Democrats have a Fetterman problem. Or do they? | Opinion
Pennsylvania Sen. John Fetterman has repeatedly said he will remain a Democrat. And he has noted that he mostly votes with them in the Senate. But the party-switch fuss gives him what he wants.
Chris BrennanThere are two things that are certain about U.S. Sen. John Fetterman. The Pennsylvania Democrat has the knack for attracting attention. And that attention usually pisses someone off.
For more than a decade, Fetterman mostly provoked anger among Republicans. But now, like a professional wrestler after a "heel turn," Fetterman has his own party frothing as he cozies up to President Donald Trump.
Jonathan Martin, in a well-reported May 4 story for Politico, detailed a "quiet campaign" by Trump and Senate Republicans to lure Fetterman to switch political teams. This sparked more tension, as the Democrats seek control of the Senate in November's midterm elections.
Fetterman, who did not respond to my calls, has repeatedly said he will remain a Democrat. And he has noted that he mostly votes with the Democratic Party on legislation in the Senate.
John Fetterman wants all the attention he's getting for bucking Democrats
But Fetterman also tosses around the silly MAGA slur "Trump derangement syndrome" when the president's critics get angry about Fetterman's support for the war in Iran, his votes to confirm Trump's Cabinet members, and his backing for Trump's proposed billion dollar ballroom.
This new party-switch fuss gives Fetterman what he wants: attention. Right on cue: Fetterman published an essay in The Washington Post on May 7, detailing how he'd be terrible as a Republican.
This raises two questions. Do Democrats have a Fetterman problem? And, if so – what, if anything – should the party do about it?
Here's an idea: Let Fetterman be Fetterman. Don't bite his outrage bait. Focus on the midterms. Pay him no attention at all. (I know, I know, I'm paying attention to Fetterman to write this.)
If Fetterman flips parties, let him go. Let him become a headache for Republicans, which he certainly would be.
I first interviewed Fetterman 11 years ago during his first, failed run for the Senate. He was a mayor at the time of Braddock, a small borough of about 2,000 residents near Pittsburgh, where the borough council held most of the power.
Even in this "weak mayor" system of government, Fetterman drew national attention, with profile write-ups in The New York Times, The Atlantic, Rolling Stone and other publications.
As I said, he knows how to get attention. His critics suggest that's his only true skill.
Fetterman has lost his base. That's a problem for reelection.
Fetterman, who later served as lieutenant governor in Pennsylvania, had a sometimes strained relationship with the state's attorney general, Josh Shapiro, a Democrat now seeking a second term as governor who is widely regarded as a contender for his party's 2028 nomination for president.

Shapiro always delivers a hyperdisciplined political message, measuring each and every single word before uttering it. Here's what he had to say about Fetterman on CNN in a May 5 interview:
"I know that Pennsylvanians voted for a Democrat to represent them in the United States Senate. And so I think he needs to honor that and continue with his service to Pennsylvania and hopefully get back to what he was elected to do and reflect the will of the people."
With that, Shapiro landed a rhetorical two-punch combination, hitting Fetterman at his weakest points – he so often seems openly annoyed at having to do the work of a senator, and the progressive base back home that carried him to victory even after he suffered a stroke during his 2022 campaign feels completely betrayed by his actions now.
It's not clear if Fetterman will seek a second term in the Senate in 2028, or maybe make some populist charge for a presidential nomination.
I'll admit it: The prospect of Shapiro and Fetterman seeking the same job sounds like a fun mess to write about.
But Fetterman has a problem. His 2022 campaign was fueled by millions of dollars in small-donor campaign contributions from progressives who embraced his populism.
That base has walked away. And those voters are not coming back. No wonder he feels a kinship with Trump, who has left parts of his MAGA base feeling infuriated and betrayed by the very actions Fetterman supports.
Still, Fetterman works in Washington. And there are always other buckets of money. That might explain why Fetterman has broken with Democratic colleagues on developments in artificial intelligence and cryptocurrencies.
That might also explain why Elon Musk, the richest person on the planet who delighted in firing people from government jobs last year but now says it wasn't worth it, and Fetterman have exchanged admiring posts on social media about each other.
And remember that Fetterman is chummy with U.S. Sen. Dave McCormick, a Republican who won Pennsylvania's other Senate seat in 2024. As Politico reported, Fetterman sat on stage with McCormick's wife, Dina Powell McCormick, at a luncheon last week where artificial intelligence was discussed. In January, she became president and vice chair of Meta, the company helmed by Mark Zuckerberg that owns Facebook.
Musk and Zuckerberg also cozied up to Trump during his 2024 presidential run. So Fetterman shares something in common with them, creating potential options for campaign support if he seeks another term.
Using those options will draw attention, which will create outrage, which will generate more attention. Which is what Fetterman is always seeking.
Follow USA TODAY columnist Chris Brennan on Bluesky, @bychrisbrennan.bsky.social, and on X, @ByChrisBrennan. Sign up for his weekly newsletter, Translating Politics, here.